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April 10, 2008 |  2 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

Annapolis: Little Time Left for an Agreement

Colette Avital: The negotiations between Israel and Abu Mazen’s Palestinian Authority need to move forward quickly and improve conditions on the ground. Failure to reach a solution within the year could trigger renewed violence and make future negotiations along similar lines impossible.

Lately, hardly a week has gone by without a head of state, whether president, chancellor or prime minister, visiting Israel. While it is true that these important guests come to declare their commitment to Israel's continued existence and security on its 60th Anniversary, they join a long list of Foreign and Defense Ministers who come here with the attempt to contribute to the ongoing negotiations between Israel and Abu Mazen's Palestinian Authority.

Indeed, more than in the past we now live in strange times. On the one hand, negotiations launched at Annapolis are proceeding seriously with our Palestinians partners on the West Bank, while on the other hand violence is the order of the day in the South, the Gaza strip. This reflects the real, deepening rift within the Palestinian political body. It is the expression of two distinct tendencies existing in the Palestinian world: the more pragmatic part, represented by the Fath' and other independent elements who have recognized Israel and consider the two states solution to be the ultimate goal - and another part of the Palestinian society, who in the past years has grown more radical, represents fundamentalist Islam, and rejects the existence of Israel on ideological-religious grounds.

Unfortunately, the Quartet's decision to preclude any contacts with the Hamas as long as it does not fulfill three basic conditions - (stop terrorism, recognize Israel, respect previous agreements) failed to bring about the desired changes; neither have economic sanctions softened the Hamas' resolve to do everything in its power to sabotage the ongoing negotiations.

And so, the Israeli Government and the Israel Labour Party, as a part of it, faces real, complex dilemmas: how to proceed with negotiations in the face of public protest which result from the frequent daily shellings of Israel's southern cities and towns, how to respond to this unprecedented wave of violence which takes a heavy toll on citizens, how to effectively protect their security.

Even though the public demands stronger action to eliminate these daily threats, Israel's Minister of Defense, The Chairman of our Party, has managed, so far, to impose a policy of restraint.

At the same time, one should not ignore the fact that lack of progress in the negotiations can negatively affect President Abu Mazen's position. For Israel, progress is dependent on an increased sense of security - and that in turn is tied to the Palestinian Authority's capacity to fight against terrorism. To do so, and to strengthen public support among the Palestinians, Abu Mazen must improve the conditions of life of his people.

It is within these parameters that negotiations must move forward, dealing with fundamental core issues that have divided us for so many years - and to reach solutions that will demand sacrifices on both sides. Improving the atmosphere and creating better conditions on the ground could give credibility to a process that is seen with equal skepticism by many on both sides. Ultimately, this is the prerequisite to make difficult decisions acceptable to our public.

One thing has however become clear to both sides: time is not an unlimited commodity - it is running out. An agreement which could be reached this year may become impossible later. A failure to find solutions could trigger renewed violence, from which only the extremists would profit. Should we not reach a firm understanding on two states soon, that solution, too, may become a thing of the past for us all.

Colette Avital is a Labor Party member of the Israeli Knesset, where she is Deputy Speaker. Among her many foreign service positions, Ms. Avital has served as Israel's ambassador to Portugal and as Israel's Consul General to New York.

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Lior  Petek

April 13, 2008

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"An agreement which could be reached this year may become impossible later."

I am afraid to tell Colette Avital that an agreement is impossible already now. I mean of what value are negotiations between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority if the latter has no control over anything, especially in the Gaza Strip? Such an agreement would simply not be enforceable and, thus, not contribute anything to peace and security.

Therefore, politicians need to stop thinking about how to solve the conflict and instead start thinking about how to best manage it.
 
Ethan Christian Arrow

April 24, 2008

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I think Lior Petek mentions two words that are key concerning the recent and on-going Israeli-Palestinian conflict: ‘solving’ and ‘managing.’ A good question would be: what exactly is trying to be ‘solved’ in the short-term? And what will be left to be ‘managed’ in the medium- and long-term?

Colette Avital of Israel’s Labor Party mentions the urgency of reaching a (short-term) agreement with the Palestinian Authorities, thereby curbing violence, and allowing the living standards for Palestinians to improve. Whereas I do not see (logically nor chronologically) the connection between these events, I wonder if such a solution simply ‘solves’ short-term demands, rather than ‘manages’ the long-term Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In the short-term, what is it that each side is looking for? Palestine's demands (which are hard to define given the current unrest and divide between what Abu Mazen says and how certain elements behind him behave) constitutes permanency: land, repatriation, etc. One can be fairly sure that these will be granted and reinforced by a democratic Israel that heeds the restraining effect of its international community's support. Israel's demands, on the other hand, include a 'halt' in terrorism, a 'recognition' of Israel as a state, and a 'respect' of previous agreements, all of which is being asked of a political authority that may not legitimately represent the people behind it.

In the medium- and long-term, what is it that each side is looking for? For Israel, naturally, it is the same elements that it asks for in the short-term. A liberal, consumer society cannot function without peace, recognition, and respect. But do we really know what the medium- and long-term goals are of the future Palestinian state? Could it at any time, revoke its peace, recognition and respect for Israel in hopes of fulfilling future short-term goals?

At the core of this is a question of diplomacy? What is normative diplomacy between a slowly secularizing, peace-craving and consumer nation and a slowly developing, deeply religious and largely decentralized society?

Granted I have not lived a day in the perils of an Israeli’s every day life, nor do I share the frustration of the injustices history has forced upon the Palestinians. But if I might, from an historical perspective, suggest that each side examine more closely what is lying on the table, who is sitting on the other side, and what might be delivered for the final course. The heartburn of this bitter meal might never be ‘solved’ by the swallowing of a handful of antacid, but rather forever ‘managed’ through a steady diet of restraint and calculation.

My question for the community would be: do you agree with Avital’s call for a quick solution or could it be hasty move in the service of Israel’s domestic politics?

 

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