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April 4, 2008 |  2 comments |  Print | E-Mail Your Opinion  

Marek  Swierczynski

Enlargement Delay is Okay if Progress in Afghanistan

Marek Swierczynski: NATO’s decision to delay a major enlargement should only be viewed in a positive light if it results in better management of the Afghan mission, and the Alliance keeps up the pace to relaunch negotiations with Ukraine and Georgia.

The decisions of the Bucharest Summit on Membership Action Plans seem to satisfy most parties - although initial positions suggested a possible failure of the summit. NATO took its time and gave priority to its missions over the historic opportunity for expansion, a move that increases doubts regarding the Alliance's global role and readiness to execute leadership.

NATO once again proved it is better at diplomacy than at military action. In Bucharest both "expansionists" and "cautionists" were able to claim success, partial though, but very important psychologically - as unity is a rare commodity in today's NATO dealings. One single political decision seems to have tipped the balance against the 2expansionists". According to the British press, PM Gordon Brown decided not to put his weight in favour of the Ukraine-Georgia MAPs, making it impossible for the US, Canada and smaller Eastern-European allies to fend off the opposition of members of the "old Europe."

High hopes and grand ideas from across the Atlantic will have to wait. The "Realpolitik" of political uncertainty, financial struggle, and a distant war that NATO claims it cannot afford to lose prevailed for the time being. But be careful with over-estimating the importance of Afghanistan at the expense of further enlargement. Beware of Ukraine or Georgia becoming for NATO's what Turkey is for the EU - a forever candidate. Geopolitics do not accept a vacuum.

As for now both Juschchenko and Saakaschvili clapped hands in rejoice. But where will Bucharest leave the NATO hopefuls remains to be seen, as December comes after the US presidential elections. Even if MAPs are introduced then, the delay may fuel anti-Western and pro-Russia attitudes. Elections in Ukraine and Georgia come sooner than NATO, and Moscow has both the means and will to exert its influence.

Both Ukraine and Georgia constitute crucial geostrategic areas. NATO's expansion into those areas will shift the geostrategic balance dramatically. From that point of view it would be far more important than moving the Alliance's borders eastwards in Europe, what was symbolic to the end of the Yalta system. For NATO it would be as much a historic opportunity as a challange. And NATO seems to have just taken time to think, whether to take that chance and face that challange, judging for the time being that there are more urgent issues to cope with, primarily Afghanistan.

But sooner or later the question will have to be answered of what is more important and whether both a breakthrough enlargement and crucial operations are feasible at the same time. So delaying the MAPs for the both Russia's neighbours should not by any way mean shelving the issue indefinitely. On the contrary - the sooner a serious discussion is launched the better, and both sides, NATO and the applicants, should come together in December ready to strike deals.

Whether the Afghan mission could be accomplished at the price of delaying a major expansion is not clear now. Both military, political and financial obstacles may come in the way because the declarations made before and in Bucharest may not be enough to prevail on the battlefield. At some point additional help - notably from Russia - may become indispensable. And at that time Russia may be already a double winner, gaining foot in Kiev and Tbilisi for another decade or so. The next US president may not be as interested in expanding the Alliance and NATO may end up losing a historic opportunity and that applies equally to both countries.

But a majority of crucial NATO members decided not to add a "political overstretch" to what they see as military and financial one in the current situation. The Alliance has taken time to rebind, and perhaps rethink its posture. Only if these result in a more cohesive, stronger, and more capable Alliance - and one willing still to promote collective security, democracy and rule of law outside its current borders - could the delay on Ukraine and Georgia be accepted. Otherwise NATO may end up claiming victory away from home, but inviting instability and danger on its doorstep.

Marek Swierczynski is a journalist with a special interest in defence and security matters and and a member of the Polish Euro-Atlantic Society.

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Tags: | Georgia | Ukraine | Afghanistan | Bucharest Summit | NATO |
 
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Donald  Stadler

April 7, 2008

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"Only if these result in a more cohesive, stronger, and more capable Alliance - and one willing still to promote collective security, democracy and rule of law outside its current borders - could the delay on Ukraine and Georgia be accepted. "

Is the Alliance 'more cohesive, stronger, and more capable' in the wake of Bucharest? The evidence is mixed but on balance I think - not.

What are the essential agreements arrived at at Bucharest? NATO will not be expanding to Ukraine and Georgia. The US, Poland, and Czech Republic have NATO's permission to proceed with the anti-missle defenses. France will contribute 700 troops to paper over the cracks in Afghanistan - the US contributes another 3200 troops, and Germany contributes nothing more. France is praised to the skies, the US continues to take abuse; nothing has really changed much.

The crackup continues.....
 
ilyas m mohsin

April 22, 2008

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Smart Power and Afghanistan
The German Foreign Minister, Frank –Walter Steinmeier, spoke at the Harvard University on April 12 on the subject, “Conference on Germany in the modern world.” Going by the dictates of his august office, his own speech was entitled “Yes, We Can! Our New Transatlantic Agenda in a Changing World.” The arch-diplomat of Germany tried hard to strike a balance between the historical transatlantic bonds and the current ground realities. Borrowing from Joe Nye he defined ‘smart power’ as being a rejuvenated transatlantic compact under the effective leadership of the US. Paying homage to of George Marshall, of Marshall Plan-fame, which rid Europe of the devastation suffered during the Second World War with massive US financial help, he insisted that the same spirit should be revived as it was the need of the hour. However, being conscious of the fact that Russia is an energy-giant, he advised constructive engagement with her. Only such a framework could ensure a safer, sustainable and just world. For him Transatlantic unity supported by Russian goodwill could control all emerging threats including Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran.
As the situation is getting uneasy in Afghanistan and the debate heats up on ‘NATO should do more’, the best policy appears to be putting paper over cracks. This was the story at the Bucharest summit of NATO despite the offer of a battalion of troops for Afghanistan by President Sarkozy of France who has been run down by his opposition/ public opinion.. However, the fear of a spring-offensive by Taliban is sending jitters in the countries whose forces are deployed in Afghanistan.
Mr. Grono, Deputy President of the International Crisis Group Brussels/ Washington DC addressed the NATO Parliamentary Assembly seminar on “Stabilising Afghanistan: Developing Security, Securing Development” held on April 17. He tried to be candid in his assessment of the situation in Afghanistan. It appears that those who talk of ‘tipping point’ etc are either using spin for furthering some political agenda at home or they suffer from misperception about the ground realities. The situation remains awfully fluid with a status quo wherein uncertainty rules supreme.
It is a tragic fact that most Americans tend to keep blissfully ignorant of such serious crises in other countries despite the stakes. That is why it is so easy to manipulate the public opinion there despite the widespread education in advanced countries. If a brave lady like Cindy Sheehan starts questioning the justification for losing thousands of American lives, including her young son, in the Iraq-fiasco, she is cheered by many. However, such actions do not dictate any change of policy. Historically US policy is made keeping in view, generally, the interests of what President Eisenhower defined as “Military Industrial complex’ and the richer sections of society. Some marginal difference occurs if Democrats assume power after winning the Presidential/ National elections whereby the ‘poor’ are also mentioned and, at times, accommodated by small gestures. Unfortunately, in the current milieu, the most influential power is, reportedly, the oil-lobby because of the prevailing energy-hunger.
The US/NATO forces have scant intelligence beyond Kabul. No wonder they shoot human beings like they shoot bad guys in video games as children in the US. More often than not, their indiscriminate bombing/ missile-firing kills more innocent civilians and, at times, only these hapless people. As per local culture and belief, it is incumbent on the survivors to avenge such deaths while the enemy lives. Only on this account, US etc are regularly creating hundreds of aggrieved parties against themselves among the local population. This helps the Taliban in a big way as they can easily mobilise such a dedicated force against the enemy. By their tradition, the Afghan can wait for a century quite easily before wreaking Revenge.
The article describes in detail the sufferings of the Afghan people due to tribal, ethnic etc divides which get aggravated by the excesses committed due to the ‘culture of impunity’ in the country. Highlights the vicious role played by the personalised despotism, which has dominated the country’ history, the writer rightly treats it as the original sin. Now Afghanistan has been made over to the different warlords by the US. The ones in North have started producing record level of drugs to supplement their wealth. Even the South/ East, which is inhabited by the Pashtuns who defy foreign troops, have followed suit as there are no other viable means of sustenance.
The development process is at sixes at sevens for two reasons. First, the aid commitments made at the Bonn Conference of 2002 have turned out to be a mirage which has caused despondency to grow along-with hunger. Second, the Taliban got active by launching more and more attacks with the help of the disillusioned people. Such insecurity has impeded the development process in a big way and the ‘occupation’ forces or their Afghan counterparts can’t meet new challenges.
I wish Grono had highlighted the outstanding features of Afghan history. If the same is understood and if it has any relevance, Vietnam would end up as ‘picnic’ for US as compared with the prospects for their Afghan expedition.
The Afghans, despite all kinds of funny divides, hate occupation. Soviet Union broke up after it was bundled out of Afghanistan by Mujahideen with active support from US/Pakistan. The British Empire cut their losses after suffering 16 thousand dead in the Second Afghan War by withdrawing forces from that difficult country. As a friend of the US/EU, one would urge them not to overlook these facts. A Trojan horse like Karazai can’t deliver peace or victory over the Afghans. Bold statements do not make much difference. One night before US forces left Vietnam on the quiet, the Ambassador in Saigon was talking of US victory despite knowing of the hasty retreat planned for the next day.
The US appears to have ‘outsourced’ ‘mis-governance’ to the local war-lords in the North but in the South/East, the Taliban have tremendous influence now. It is a question of time when most of the Afghans would join hands to take on the ‘enemy’. The asymmetry of power is always there but it does not deter the Afghan from freeing his land from ‘occupation.’
No wonder, the Taliban have repeatedly spurned US offers of talks insisting that ‘occupation’ must end first. On one occasion, some Taliban leader is quoted by BBC as having said, “The Americans have the watches and we have the time.”
 

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