Few days remain until the end of the 2007 German Presidency. During Berlin’s six months at the helm, Chancellor Angela Merkel had hoped to accomplish an ambitious agenda that included re-energizing Europe’s relations with America, re-calibrating its ties with Russia, and re-starting the integration project – a tall order, even for Europe’s most powerful country. Though it is too soon to say how much Germany achieved, the early report card is in and the grades are good.
Re-energizing transatlantic relations. Grade: A.
The German Presidency did much to dispel the view that the EU is intrinsically hostile to American interests. One of Merkel’s first acts was to propose a loosening of barriers to transatlantic trade and investment. More important was what she didn’t do: launch a full-court press on the packet of issues on which Americans and Europeans disagree. This time last year, then-EU President Austria was haranguing Washington about Guantanamo Bay. Many Germans wanted Merkel to do the same on CIA overflights and missile defense. Her decision to downplay these disagreements and focus on common interests has given U.S.-EU ties their biggest boost in a decade.
Re-calibrating ties with Russia. Grade: A.
Anyone who paid close attention to Merkel’s Strasbourg speech in February will have noticed an important change in temperature toward Russia. Gone was the lip service about “strategic partnerships” that has become a ritual of the rotating presidency. In its place, Merkel pursued a confident, interests-based approach – evidence of which was on display at the EU-Russia summit in Samara. Taking this path required Merkel to defy her own Foreign Ministry, which wanted to make a no-questions-asked, 1970s-style “Ostpolitik” the centerpiece of the Presidency.
Re-starting integration. Grade: B.
If Merkel gets a lower mark on Europe, it is not for lack of effort. Two summers ago, few would have predicted that the Constitution would be back on the agenda in just two years’ time. That Merkel was able to make this happen is a testament to her skill in charming feet-draggers. The problem is that Merkel thought the Constitutional test was in arithmetic, while Warsaw wants to make it calculus.
In all three areas, the arrival of a strong, Atlanticist German leader in the EU cockpit could not have come at a better time. And in all three, converting Merkel’s momentum into something more permanent depends on what Germany does in its east. The Foreign Ministry is right that Berlin needs a new Ostpolitik, but wrong about which country it should focus on. What Germany needs is a deepening of ties, not with Russia, but with Poland. Think of it as Ostpolitik lite. Such a rapprochement is long overdue and deserves the same degree of seriousness that an earlier generation of German leaders gave to reconciliation with France. Nothing would do more to remove lingering tension between “old” and “new” Europe, create a united front toward Russia, or facilitate progress on integration. But the initiative is not going to come from Poland; it has to come from Germany. It is going to require a generation’s worth of political will; difficult, emotionally-charged negotiations; and a stomach for slow movement under current Polish leadership. In a word, it is going to require maturity. Welcome to great power status. High school is over.
Wess Mitchell is director of research at the Center for European Policy Analysis, a policy institute devoted to the study of Central Europe.
Related Materials from the Atlantic Community:
- Ana Gomes on Portugal Plans Africa Focus During EU Presidency
- Der Spiegel Assesses Merkel’s Unprecedented Commitment to the US
- Jackson Janes and Stephen Szabo Analyze Merkel’s Germany
- Radek Sikorski on Taking Poland for Granted
- 0
June 26, 2007
Peter Männer, University of Regensburg, Silver Contributor (47)
Strategic partnerships are definded by - well - strategic interests. There is a huge number of such between Germany and Russia. Not only does the german industry provide the machinery and knowhow to restore the russian infrastructure. Russia also is our biggest supplier of energy ressources. Both countries are interested in a world without one single superpower and want to regain lost influence. Together we have a better chance of succeeding. No matter how much Poland may be praised - it is not going to even be able to help us in this regard.
Aside from the point that they wouldn´t do so even if they could. Probably the biggest difference between Russia and Poland would be the stance towards Germany:
Poland is the kind of country that first demands additional funds of triple-digit-million euros out of the EU budget right from the german taxpayer by pretending that they have the biggest need - and then kicks us in our back by ordering american fighters in a financial volume of several billion euros.
The polish side scandalized all german political parties by demands like having the polish losses of world war 2 implemented into the distribution of power of the EU.
In the meantime Russia is not looking into the past, but into the future. They have allowed EADS to buy a considerable amount of shares of the russian military aircraft manufacturer Irkut long before it was clear whether the russian side will get their share of EADS as well. Both countries have common projects in this sector, moving from dual use increasingly towards the military sector as well.
Gazprom wants to have direct access to the german consumer market? Fine, as long as our energy production industries gain direct access to the russian gas and oil fields. And the russians approved.
Have you noticed who is launching the german espionage satellites into orbit, that are currently installed to create an independent world wide surveillance net? It is the russians that provide us with the transportation infrastructure. Additionally we are working together with them on the civil sector to create a common net of navigation satellites to become independent from GPS.
The difference of goodwill between both countries towards Germany could not be any bigger. We should not be foolish enough to always give in to polish demands, which will never have enough while having little to offer.
Now that we have seen that the threat of isolating them diplomatically in Europe can keep us safe from their outrageous demands, there is little to fear from that side anymore.
"But the initiative is not going to come from Poland; it has to come from Germany. It is going to require a generation’s worth of political will"
We already invested a generation of politicians into that initiative. It certainly did cost us a lot of money and kept us away from more important tasks. Certainly there will never be any initiative of this kind from Poland. What else would you expect from a country that elects such a government? A government which openly admits that it is going to exploit the historically german guilty conscience. Too bad for them it isn´t working anymore.
Considering the enormous amount of interests between Germany and Russia, even Chancellor Merkel with her critical stance cannot cut the ties anymore. And we will also have chancellors in the future again, who are not affected by a personal animosity.