October 14, 2008 |  5 comments |  Print this Article | E-Mail Book Reviews  

Natalia   Ruban

Paul Krugman: The Conscience of a Liberal

Natalia Ruban :

If you look at the figures, you will find out that inequality in America is now approaching the level of the 1920s, before all social reforms were conducted. Even though the productivity of an average American worker has risen since 1973 by about 50%, most wages, even those of well-educated Americans, either were not increased or increased to a negligible extent since this date.

A good guide for the understanding why it has happened is the book by Paul Krugman “The Conscience of a Liberal”. In his research of the past eighty years of American history he investigates the social, political and economic reasons for this recent inequality.

Starting his research with New Deal years, Krugman comes to the conclusion that the Golden Age of the American history, marked by the emergence of a strong middle class, was above all the result of strong unions, high taxes and a policy of wage dumping.

At the beginning of the 80s however a new political movement opposing this kind of strong state policy began to form. Initial supporters of the movement were mostly the representatives of small and medium sized enterprises. As the biggest part of welfare performance in post-war America was generated not by the state but by the private actors, they sought to disburden themselves from the unions. After the industry and population centre shifted to the South and West, they tried to ensure that unions would not follow this route.

Over the years, the movement became highly ideological and firmly settled down among Republicans. The maxims they tried to defend were religion, the fight against communism during the cold war and of course, the interests of business. The culmination of this movement’s successes were the ruling years of George W. Bush. During his incumbency one of the most adamant opposers of a strong government, Grover Norquist, managed to cut taxes to an unprecedented level. Another ultra conservative Republican, Rick Santorium, responsible for the recruitment policy succeeded to flood the whole Washington lobby with those who were extremely loyal to the Republican Party.

Paul Krugman argues that the recent inequality situation in the US is, first of all, the result of this movement members’ activities and not of globalisation, immigration or technological change as many people claim. He points out that the last three hypotheses cannot explain why inequality in the USA is much higher than in any other developed country or also why salaries of those with good college degrees have stagnated.

Krugman offers two answers to the question why voters did not opt out Republicans. For one thing, Republicans change topics during the campaigns. Even though their first bills after victory were about business, during the election campaign of 2004 they made national defence and weapons of mass destruction the main issue of discussion. Furthermore, they are the masters of “dog whistle politics”. This means, they use language which some particular groups in society may interpret differently. For example, many of George W. Bush's speeches are quite appealing to religious extremists and are just a little bit overblown for a regular American.

At the end of the book, Krugman makes several positive and rather future-oriented statements. He claims that the period of conservative dominance is over and brings forward two arguments why it is so. First of all, he refers to the “mechanical” change which American society recently experienced. Because of high immigration rates every fifth American is now not “white”. How it is politically significant is exemplified in Florida. During the Reagan incumbency, this was a typical conservative state. But after the structure of the population changed because of growth of Hispanic immigrants, Florida became a progressive, liberal state. Secondly, as Krugman states “Americans are just better now”. The political orientation and expectations of the voters have changed

Health care reform would be a good way to start.

 

Natalia Ruban is an intern at the Atlantic Community and a graduate student of Political Science at the Free University of Berlin.

 

Paul Krugman: The Conscience of a Liberal

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Nach Bush. Das Ende der Konservativen und die Stunde der Demokraten

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Tags: | US economy | Republicans | USA |
 
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ilyas m mohsin

June 22, 2008

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In a Capitalisitic system, the inequality is bound to increase. Unfortunately, even the communists in Soviet union/Russia/ China do not appear to have done well either. Now both appear to be tempering their systems to collaborate with Capitalist countries as a startegic/ tactical necesity.
As private/ personal interests dominate the capitalistic system at a large scale in the US, social/ economic equality tends to become a euphemism. Compare the US of today with the one of 1950s and you find out what a colossal change has taken place in concepts/ reality, Paul' theory of liberal voters' conversion notwithstanding.
President Eisenhower had warned of the spreading power of "Military Industrial Complex" in 1960.and today this entity exerts major influence on US policy etc. As money makes the mare go, and given the naivette of the Americans, generally, the voters are sold versions which suit such 'special interests'.
Nehru wirtes in his book 'The discovery of India' that he once met an
American journalist and the former asked the latter about US democracy. The journalist told him that the bottomline of their democracy was that rich kept on supporting the poor to an extent so that the latter do not kill the former out of desperation. Seems a good comment shorn of philosophic paradigms concerning liberals, Conservatives and then neocons too!
 
Valentina  Klausen

July 1, 2008

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Unfortunatly I have not (yet) red Mr. Krugmann's book, however as stated by Natalia "the Golden Age of the American history, marked by the emergence of a strong middle class, was above all the result of strong unions, high taxes and a policy of wage dumping." I wonder if that is such a glorious approach. To be honest, I'd rather have McCain in the White House than Mr. Obama, who is in favor of increasing tariffs and pulling out of NAFTA. In how far this would help the "middle class man" to buy his TV and gas I just don't know. As far as Mr. Norquist goes, true he does supports tax cuts, but what's so bad about that? I rather have more money to myself and donate a bit here and there then being forced to pay for somebody not wanting to work. Don't get me wrong, if somebody is sick, disabled etc. give him all he needs, even more, but if you can work, go on out and do it. Sometimes I wish the political left in the US wouldn't hijack the word "liberal", because most of their policies aren't liberal, they are close to socialism. And we all know how successful that was...
 
Unregistered User

October 15, 2008

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"For example, many of George W. Bush's speeches are quite appealing to religious extremists and are just a little bit overblown for a regular American."
This bit is interesting. No. I have not read Krugman's book, whose title by itself catches one's attention. But then Krugman must have first described the meaning of a liberal - the dyed in the wool varieties. Such descriptions help one become less confused over the meaning of having a particular bent of mind with particular ideas. What I mean is that we do see a lot of people espousing certain ideologies or at least claiming to do so. We see entire armies of zealots running amok. In those circumstances, having an idea via description of the minds and the values that give birth to ideologies in the first place - thoughts that become ideologies for others, worthy of emulation. Worthier still - finding one being in agreement with someone's thoughts over certain issues. "Being in agreement with" is what would separate the wheat from the armies of chaff running amok. That is why the title of Krugman's book - The Conscience of a Liberal - is so appealing at the very onset. But then, the interesting bit is what usually makes one cautious, even as one wonders about liberals in situations of power. Do the situations seem as they are or do utterances of the political elites mark and also highlight the non-liberal mass - to whom a politician usually addresses in such "dog whistle politics" - as is put here? Should Krugman have succeeded in describing the meaning of a liberal, the book then becomes interesting and inviting to look forward to - for reading and examining its contents.
Tags: | Liberalism | ideology |
 
Patrick  Edwin Moran

October 22, 2008

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I have read Krugman's book, but that was quite some time ago. At the time I credited him only with being a well-prepared columnist. I am rather ashamed of myself for having counted him out as "just a reporter" when he was all along a university professor. Now he has been recognized as one of the best in his academic field. Listening to him on various radio talk shows he seems to be articulate in person, and I have not found him to be an ideologue.

Words tied to ways of looking at the world, proclivities for dealing with problematical humans, etc. are likely to be the source of unclear thinking because they so often have no very clearly explained and defended denotation yet often have very powerful connotations. It generally works better to investigate, analyze, and carefully describe a phenomenon before giving it a name.

Judging by some of the comments of other writers presented above, it would also seem helpful to consider the various ideas commonly held about the nature and purpose of society. As an extreme example I will offer a definition I heard from an authoritarian thinker back around 1960. He said that the purpose of society is to control people. I protested, but he went on to say that it had recently become possible to insert electrodes into the pleasure and pain centers of the brain. He made further suggestions about how the problem of over-population could be easily solved by establishing feedback links between certain physiological states and the pain electrode that would be the possession of every citizen. (Well, maybe the leadership was not to be privileged in that respect.)

That was his idea of a perfect society, and I am fairly sure that he did not come to a dinner with a rag-tag group of campus intellectuals half his age and simply pull that idea out of his hat. He is welcome to his conception of society, and if I had been possessed of greater presence of mind I might have suggested to him that he move to one of several nations whose internal policies had already moved considerably beyond the U.S. in the direction he favored.

I find no reason why I should accept that thinker's plans for the world, nor would I accept many of the other ideologies or "isms." I see no reason why anyone should feel obligated to accept a plan for his or her life that comes from the mind of another simply because that individual poses as the great leader, the voice of god, or whatever. To me, the task in life is to be autonomous and to take responsibility for what one has done. And, to me, the factor called "ren" in Confucian philosophy is more important than wealth or power. ("Ren" is generally translated as "benevolence" and explained as the product of one's capacity for extending one's awareness to feel what one's companions are feeling.)

We experience the tragedy of the commons in many ways. If there is land owned by no individuals that serves as the pasture for all who grow sheep, then the best policy for each individual is to own more sheep even if their greater number will make for skinnier sheep when it comes time to butcher them. But the end of the process is that the pasture dies and the sheep starve. Is society to be a commons in which each individual is to be free to extract its resources to the best of his or her ability and without regard for what befalls other members of the society? Societies surely can and have been run that way.

On the other hand, the idea telescoped into the formula, "To each according to his needs; from each according to his abilities," in practice fails because too many people do not deliver on the second part, and because a leadership develops that is biased in the way it allocates food, housing, and other resources, and delivers them primarily to itself.

Immanuel Kant had an ethical principle that boils down to: "What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander." Even little children can understand that one. So how would each of us constitute a society in which that rule held firm? If everyone must decide before hand what the rules are, would the reader choose a society in which Mr. and Mrs. X's children could receive an excellent education, but Mr. and Mrs. Y's children could be denied a even a moderately good education? Remember that you may turn out to be an X or a Y.

I am fairly sure that different people will choose different societies. But if one goes through the suggested exercise it will become clearer what one's values actually are, and how one's conscience may prompt one in ways different from the conscience of Mr. Krugman.
 
Donald  Stadler

October 22, 2008

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Mr. Krugman seems to be correct that the Republican governing elite lost sight of the goal which legitimizes power in the US, and is therefore going to lose most of the remaining vestiges of that power. They became obsessed with Reagan's methods but lost sight of what Reagan was trying to do, which was grow the economy and spread the rewards through the greater majority of the voting populace.

In the process the Reaganesque slogan "A rising tide lifts all boats" somehow became transmuted into "A rising tide creates fewer boats and more yachts". They have therefore lost the 'Mandate of Heaven'. Fortunately it's easy to replace a discredited government in the US, so soon the government will be on a different course. If that course works he country will probably stay with it as long as it appears to succeed. If it fails, in four years the country will choose a different course....

"a leadership develops that is biased in the way it allocates food, housing, and other resources and delivers them primarily to itself"

This rule doesn't apply only to disctaorships and oligarchies, but also to democracies. Fifty years ago 'meritocracy' was the new broom of reform, but today it is the rallying cry of an entrenched elite. The turning point is when the new 'meritocratic' elite learned the tools of how to manufacture 'merit' in it's own offspring. This in turn keeps the outsiders out of the best schools, and helps entrench the system. "We have met the enemy and they is us!" - Pogo.

 

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