In
the course of the American-led war on Iraq in 2003 and the intensification of
the Iranian nuclear crisis, weapons of mass destruction have become a major
issue in international affairs. The terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001 in Washington, D.C., and New York have commonly been considered triggers
for the significant change visible in US non-proliferation policy. Contrary to
this widespread view, Herbert Maier argues that the diagnosed unilateral course
as well as the abandonment of multilateral approaches and the increased
importance of military force and coercion in US non-proliferation and foreign
policy in general have been visible since the early 1990s.
The
author's assumption: Since the end of the Cold War, proliferation has become a
core issue of world order. Therefore, Washington's ability to design world
order has strongly been affected. Consequently, the US has become much more
inclined to adjust its non-proliferation tools to vital interests and major
foreign policy goals. The author's thesis: The US pursues a unilateral
non-proliferation policy emphasizing military elements and the use of force
whenever it is convinced that multilateral action within existing or potential
international regimes does not work any more. In lieu thereof Washington
focuses on freedom of action and the activ
e fight against proliferation. In terms
of theory, the study is based on neo-classical realism. This approach tries to
connect neorealist assumptions with others and wants to establish a dynamic
concept which is needed to analyze change in foreign policy.
In
order to capture policy change and its reasons, Herbert Maier analyzes the
United States's behavior in four non-proliferation regimes: the
Nonproliferation Treaty, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, the
Chemical Weapons Convention and the Biological Weapons Convention. Moreover, the
author examines three military and strategic tools to counter proliferation:
nuclear deterrence, missile defense and military pre-emption. The thesis
concludes that the George W. Bush administration was more a catalyst than an
initiator of change in US strategy. The unilateral reflex, which is mainly tied
to President George W. Bush, was already visible during the North Korean
nuclear crisis of 1994, for example. Since then the US has increasingly
disdained American multilateral commitments and thwarted efforts to strengthen
non-proliferation regimes.
The author concludes that the
equation "rise of power equals expansion of interests" is not inevitable.
Rather, perceptions of the international system and its incentives for the
relevant actors determine foreign policy outcomes.
Dr Herbert Maier is an
assistant professor at the University
of Regensburg.
This is an abstact of his PhD thesis
published in German under the title „Massenvernichtungswaffen und Weltordnung.
Der Wandel der Nichtverbreitungspolitik der USA seit dem Ende des
Ost-West-Konflikts" in Hamburg in 2007.
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September 1, 2008
Heinrich Bonnenberg, Energiewerke Nord
DGAP, Platinum Contributor (229)
In SSR Ukraine of USSR many nuclear weapons were in place.
When Ukraine declared its independence in 1991 the country promised to transfer all nuclear weapons to Russia what it has very correctly done till 1996.
This good will should be very thankfully remembered when Ukraine of today ís asking to be member of NATO.